Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in by Deana A. Rohlinger

By Deana A. Rohlinger

Weaving jointly analyses of archival fabric, information assurance, and interviews carried out with newshounds from mainstream and partisan retailers in addition to with activists around the political spectrum, Deana A. Rohlinger reimagines how activists use various mediums, occasionally concurrently, to agitate for - and opposed to - felony abortion. Rohlinger's in-depth pictures of 4 teams - the nationwide correct to lifestyles Committee, deliberate Parenthood, the nationwide association for girls, and anxious ladies for the USA - illuminates whilst teams use media and why they could decide to steer clear of media cognizance altogether. Rohlinger expertly unearths why a few activist teams are extra determined than others to draw media realization and sheds mild on what this suggests for coverage making and felony abortion within the twenty-first century.

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The mass media field (and how) movement ideas will be included in their stories. Concerns over whether and how to include movement perspectives may be more or less central to the decision-making process of actors working in these venues. News outlets are far more likely to consider the relevance of movements than a music radio station, which is more concerned with profit-making at the heteronomous pole and “music purity” at the autonomous pole. Reputation still matters to non-news outlets; however, it is evaluated differently.

Scholars pay a fair amount of attention to the structural characteristics that help groups successfully navigate political and media institutions. Organizations that are bureaucratic and hierarchically structured with a centralized leadership, a professional staff, and a clear division of labor are better positioned to respond to breaking than are informally organized groups that rely on volunteers who engage in activism during their free time (Staggenborg 1991). Likewise, professional organizations have an easier time building credibility with journalists because they can quickly respond to requests for information, issue statements in the wake of political events, and maintain regular contact with media professionals (Gamson and Wolfsfeld 1993); all of these can give a group more influence over how its issues are presented to the public (Ryan, Anastario, and Jeffreys 2005).

This is not true when an opponent holds office and media coverage becomes the primary mechanism through which a group can voice its dissatisfaction with the political process. While having friends in high places does not get rid of Dilemma 2 (negative coverage), it does make it easier for a group to deal with losing issues (Dilemma 3). An organization can opt to remain silent during controversial debates and let elected officials carry the water in their stead; an option that disappears once an opponent takes office.

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